LAOTIAN AMERICANS

Located in Southeast Asia, Laos measures approximately 91,400 square miles (236,800 square kilometers), making it slightly larger than the state of Utah. The country shares its borders with Thailand in the southwest, Cambodia in the south, Burma in the west, China in the north, and Vietnam in the east. Laos has a tropical climate, with a rainy season that lasts from May to November and a dry season that lasts from December to April.

Laos has about 4,400,000 residents and an estimated population growth rate of 2.2 percent each year. Minority groups in this small, mountainous country include the Mon-Khmer, the Yao, and the Hmong. Approximately 85 to 90 percent of employed persons in Laos work in subsistence agriculture. Rice is the country's principal crop; other significant agricultural products include corn, tobacco, and tea. The majority of Laotians practice Theravada Buddhism, a form of Buddhism popular in Cambodia, Thailand, Burma, and Sri Lanka. In Laos, however, Buddhism is heavily influenced by the cult of phi (spirits) and Hinduism.

The Laotian flag has three horizonal bands, with red stripes at the top and bottom and a blue stripe in the middle. A large white disk is centered in the blue band. Many Laotian Americans identify more with the pre-1975 flag of the Kingdom of Laos than with the present-day flag of the country. This flag was red, with a three-headed white elephant situated on a five-step pedestal, under a white parasol. The elephant was symbolic of the ancient kingdom of Laos, known as "The Kingdom of a Million Elephants." The parasol represented the monarchy and the five steps of the pedestal symbolized the five main precepts of Buddhism.

HISTORY

Laotians trace their ancestry to the T'ai people, an ethnolinguistic group that migrated south from China beginning in the sixth century. Originally part of the Khmer (Cambodian) Empire, Laos achieved independence in 1353 when Fa Ngum, a prince from the city of Luang Prabang, claimed a large territory from the declining empire and declared himself king, calling the newly established state Lan Xang, or "The Kingdom of a Million Elephants." Luang Prabang was the nation's capital for 200 years until, in 1563, a later king, Setthalhiralh, moved the capital to Vientiane, which serves as the capital of Laos today.

The Lao kingdom reached its height in the late 1600s, under King Souligna Vongsa. After his death in 1694, three claimants to the throne broke the kingdom into three distinct principalities, the kingdoms of Vientiane, Luang Prabang, and Champassak. Each kingdom struggled for power, causing the weakened Lao states to become vulnerable to the more powerful nations of Siam (Thailand) and Vietnam. While the Siamese took Vientiane, the Vietnamese took other parts of Laos. By the mid 1800s, almost all of northern Laos was controlled by Vietnam, and almost all the southern and central parts of the country were controlled by Thailand. Only the area around Luang Prabang remained independent.

MODERN ERA

Vietnam suffered from its own internal problems in the late 1700s and early 1800s, and in 1859 French Admiral Rigault de Genouilly attacked and seized Saigon. By 1862, the emperor of Vietnam was forced to recognize French possession of the southern provinces, and Vietnam became a French colony 21 years later.

In 1893 the French entered Thailand's Chao Phya River and forced the king to relinquish Thailand's suzerainty over Laos. Four years later, King Oun-Kham of Luang Prabang was forced to seek the help of France against invaders from China and, consequently, Luang Prabang also fell to France's growing Indochinese empire. Laos then became a protectorate, or colony, of France. By 1899, Vientiane had become the administrative capital of French Laos with French commissioners holding administrative power in all the provinces.

Although there were some local rebellions against French rule—mainly by the tribes of the hills and mountains—widespread Laotian resistance to the French did not begin until after World War II, when Japan, which had assumed control over Indochina during the war years, was defeated. In 1945 the Laotian prime minister, Prince Phetsarath, declared Laos an independent kingdom and formed a group known as the Lao Issara, or "Free Lao." Some Laotians supported a return to French colonization, feeling that their country was not ready for immediate independence. The Lao Issara, however, were strongly opposed to French rule in Laos. The prime minister's half-brother, Prince Souphanuvong, called for armed resistance and sought support from the anti-French movement in neighboring Vietnam, the Viet Minh, led by Ho Chi Minh. This Laotian political group became known as the Pathet Lao ("Lao Nation").

The Viet Minh defeated French troops at Dien Bien Phu in 1954. Afterward, an international conference held in Geneva separated Vietnam at the 17th parallel to prevent Ho Chi Minh's communist government from assuming control over the entire nation. Many Laotians supported the Viet Minh and, when North Vietnam invaded South Vietnam in 1959, Laos was drawn into the war.

The United States also became involved in the war to deter the spread of Communism in Southeast Asia. In Laos, American forces provided tactical and economic support to the royal government but were unsuccessful in their efforts. U.S. troops withdrew from the area in 1973 and South Vietnam fell to its northern enemy in April 1975. Later that same year, Pathet Lao forces overthrew the Laotian government, renaming the country the Lao People's Democratic Republic. Thousands of Laotians fled to Thailand where they were placed in refugee camps.

SIGNIFICANT IMMIGRATION WAVES

While there was some migration from Laos to the United States prior to 1975, the immigrants were so few that there is no official record of them. Available records do suggest, however, that they were highly professional and technically proficient. After 1975, thousands of Laotian people fled their homeland for the United States; the passage of the Indochina Migration and Refugee Assistance Act of 1975 by Congress aided them in this effort. Early Laotian immigrants included former government administrators, soldiers from the royal army, and shopkeepers. More recent immigrants from Laos included farmers and villagers who were not as educated as their predecessors.

While large numbers of Vietnamese and Cambodians began to settle in the United States almost immediately after socialist governments came to power in the spring of 1975, Laotian refugees did not begin to arrive in America in great numbers until the following year. In contrast to the 126,000 Vietnamese and 4,600 Cambodians who arrived in 1975, only 800 refugees from Laos were admitted into the United States. This is partially due to the fact that the new Laotian government obtained power in a relatively peaceful manner, despite fighting between the Hmong and the Pathet Lao. Moreover, the U.S. government was reluctant to accept refugees who had fled Laos for bordering Thailand, many of whom U.S. officials viewed as economic migrants rather than refugees from political oppression.

In 1976, 10,200 refugees from Laos, who had fled across the border into Thailand, were admitted to the United States. The number of Laotian refugees dipped to only 400 in 1977 and then climbed to 8,000 in 1978. In the years between 1979 and 1981, the number of Laotians entering the United States increased dramatically, due to international attention given to the plight of Indochinese refugees in the late 1970s and to the family unification program, which allowed refugees already in the United States to sponsor their relatives. During these three years, about 105,000 people from Laos resettled in America: 30,200 in 1979, 55,500 in 1980, and 19,300 in 1981. Although migration from Laos to America never again achieved the stature of this period, the resettlement of Laotians in the United States continued throughout the late 1980s and early 1990s.

SETTLEMENT PATTERNS

According to the U.S. Census, in 1990 there were about 150,000 Laotian Americans living in the United States. (This figure does not include the Hmong and other minority groups from Laos.) The majority of Laotian Americans (58,058) lived in California, primarily in Fresno (7,750), San Diego (6,261), Sacramento (4,885), and Stockton (4,045). Texas held the second largest number of Laotian Americans (9,332), with the majority living in Amarillo (1,188) and Denton (1,512). Minnesota and Washington State had the third and fourth largest Laotian American populations, with 6,831 and 6,191 residents, respectively. Thirty-four percent (2,325) of Minnesota's Laotian American population lived in Minneapolis and 46 percent

Former refugees from Laos, now living in Brooklyn Center, MN, recall how they were forced to flee war torn Laos nearly 25 years ago.

(2,819) of Washington's Laotian American community lived in Seattle.

A CCULTURATION AND A SSIMILATION

While few Laotian residents live in cities, Laotian Americans are an overwhelmingly urban people, with most living in large metropolitan centers. Of the 171,577 people in America born in Laos (this figure includes both ethnic Laotians and Hmong and excludes members of both groups born in America), 164,892 people (96 percent) lived in urban areas in 1990. The remaining four percent lived in rural communities. This is largely due to the fact that the vast majority of Laotians who immigrated to the United States were unaccustomed to an industrial society and spoke either very little or no English; they migrated to urban areas where they could find work that did not require many skills or language proficiency.

As a group, Laotian Americans are substantially younger than the national average. In 1990, the median age for Laotian Americans was 20.4 years while the median age for other Americans was 34.1 years. Moreover, Laotian Americans have larger families than other Americans. In 1990, the average number of people in each Laotian American family was 5.01 members, compared to an average of 3.06 members in white American families and 3.48 members in African American families. These figures demonstrate that Laotian Americans are a dynamic, rapidly growing community.

Because Laotian Americans are relatively new members of American society, it is difficult to predict to what extent they will assimilate. According to interviews given by Laotian Americans, however, it is apparent that many individuals have had to alter their viewpoints considerably to better adapt to American society. For example, such common "American" acts as touching, kissing, slapping someone on the back, waving, pointing one's feet at another person, and looking directly into someone's eyes are considered rude in Laotian culture. As Saelle Sio Lai has explained in John Tenhula's Voices from Southeast Asia, "Some of the Laotian customs I can use in my own way and some I must forget."

The majority of Laotian Americans have maintained a low profile in the United States. Consequently, few Americans have much knowledge of Laotian culture and people and, as a result, there are few stereotypes—positive or negative—regarding Laotian Americans.

"M y children will surely be influenced by their scholastic environment and be Americanized very fast. I can't and don't intend to stop this natural process. I just want them not to forget their own culture. The ideal is the combination of the positive traits of the two cultures."

A Laotian refugee, cited in Voices from Southeast Asia: The Refugee Experience in the United States, edited by John Tenhula (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1991).

VALUES

Many Laotian Americans have retained the values they brought with them from their homeland. Most significant among these values is the practice of Buddhism, which pervades every aspect of Laotian American life. While individual Laotian Americans may not follow all Buddhist teachings, its philosophy serves as a behavorial guide.

The family is also highly important to Laotian Americans. In Laos, where the majority of people work in agriculture, families often work together to produce the goods necessary for their livelihood. In the United States, this practice has been altered somewhat since the majority of Laotian Americans work outside the home in urban communities. Nonetheless, Laotian Americans often live in close proximity to their extended family and such family values as respect for one's parents have remained constant. Laotian American children are expected to respect and care for their parents throughout their adult life.

Education has also become extremely important among Laotian Americans. Often, the family's future is dependent upon their children's success in school. "My husband and I always remind [our children] to study first, study hard, not play, not go out without permission from us," explained one Laotian American woman in Voices from Southeast Asia, "We tell them that we want to go to school, too, but we have to work to feed them. We sacrifice for them, and the only thing they can pay back is to study well."

PROVERBS

Laotian proverbs often express an earthy and practical sort of folk wisdom that is rooted in the experiences of generations of hard-working farmers. The Lao have brought countless proverbs to America with them, including the following examples: If you're shy with your teacher, you'll have no knowledge; if you're shy with your lover, you'll have no bedmate; Don't teach a crocodile how to swim; Keep your ears to the fields and your eyes on the farm; If you have money, you can talk; if you have wood, you can build your house; Water a stump and you get nothing; Speech is silver, silence is gold; Follow the old people to avoid the bite of a dog; It's easy to find friends who'll eat with you, but hard to find one who'll die with you; It's easy to bend a young twig, but hard to bend an old tree.

FESTIVALS

Most Laotian holidays and festivals have religious origins. The Lao word for "festival," boon, literally means "merit" or "good deed." Scheduled according to the lunar calendar, festivals usually take place at Buddhist temples, making it difficult for Laotian Americans to participate due to the limited availability of monks and temples in the United States. Two of the most important festivals are the Pha Vet, which commemorates the life of the Buddha in the fourth lunar month, and the Boon Bang Fay, or "rocket festival." Held in the sixth month to celebrate the Buddha, it is marked by fireworks displays.

CUISINE

Laotian cuisine is spicy. Most meals contain either rice ( khao ) or rice noodles ( khao poon ). The rice may be glutinous ( khao nyao ) or nonglutinous ( khao chao ), but glutinous, or "sticky," rice is the food most often associated with Laotian cuisine. The rice is accompanied by meat, fish, and vegetables. Meats are often chopped, pounded, and spiced to make a dish known as lap, and fish is usually eaten with a special sauce called nam ba . The sticky rice is usually taken in the thumb and first three fingers and used to scoop up other foods. A papaya salad spiced with hot peppers,

Laotian tribeswomen gather near the Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington, D.C.

which is known as tam mak hoong to Laotians and som tam to Thais, is a popular snack food.

Many Laotian Americans still eat Lao-style foods at home. These dishes are also available at most Thai restaurants, since the cooking of northeastern Thailand is almost identical to that of Laos. Sticky rice and other ingredients for Lao foods are likewise available at most stores that specialize in Asian foods. In areas that have large Laotian American communities, there are also a number of Lao markets where these ingredients may be purchased.

TRADITIONAL DRESS

On special occasions marked by the sookhwan ceremony, some Laotian American women wear traditional costumes. The staple of their attire is the sinh, a skirt made from a piece of silk brocade about two yards long that is wrapped around the waist. It is often held in place by a belt made of silver buckles or rings. Accompanying the sinh is a shawl, or a strip of material, which is draped over the left shoulder and under the right arm. Some Laotian American men wear ethnic costumes at weddings, especially during the sookhwan ritual, and on stage during a maw lam performance, when actors sometimes don the sampot, or baggy trousers worn in Laos before French occupation.

HEALTH ISSUES

Traditional Laotian medicine involves massages and herbal cures. Practitioners of traditional medicine may be laypeople or monks. Since sickness is often seen as a problem of spiritual essence, the khwan, chants, and healing rituals are often used to cure illnesses. Although some traditional Lao medicine may be found in the United States, particularly in places that have large Laotian American communities, the practice of mainstream western medicine in America appears to be much more common.

Laotian Americans are more likely to visit a community clinic than any other type of medical establishment. As new arrivals, their mental health generally follows a pattern common to refugees. The first year in the United States tends to be a period of euphoria at having reached their destination. The second year tends to be a time of psychological shock, producing feelings of helplessness as the strangeness of the new environment becomes apparent. New Laotian Americans usually begin to adjust during the third or fourth year in the United States.

L ANGUAGE

Lao is a tonal language; therefore, the meaning of a word is determined by the tone or pitch at which it is spoken. Although the tones vary somewhat from one part of the country to another, the dialect of the capital, Vientiane, is considered standard Lao. In Vientiane there are six tones: low, mid, high, rising, high falling, and low falling. Changing the tone of a word makes it a different word. The sound "kow," pronounced much like the English "cow," spoken with a high tone means "an occasion, a time." "Kow" spoken with a rising tone means "white." Spoken with a mid tone, this word means "news." These tones give the Lao language a musical quality, so that its speakers often sound like they are singing or reciting melodic poetry.

The Lao alphabet is phonetic, meaning that each Lao letter stands for a sound. Lao writing has 27 consonant symbols that are used for 21 consonant sounds. There are more symbols than sounds because different consonants are used to begin words of different tones. The Lao alphabet also has 38 vowel symbols, representing 24 vowel sounds. These 24 sounds are made up of nine simple vowels and three diphthongs (vowels made up of two vowel sounds), each of which has a short form and a long form. The sounds are written with more than 24 symbols because some of them are written differently at the end of a word and in the middle of a word. All Lao words end in a vowel or in a consonant sound similar to the English "k," "p," "t," "m," "n," or "ng." Some English diphthongs (including "th" and "oh") do not exist in the Lao phonetic system. This is why some Laotian Americans who learned English as a second language may occasionally pronounce "fish" as "fit" or "stiff" as "stip."

The graceful, curving letters of the Laotian alphabet are based on the Khmer (Cambodian) alphabet, which, in turn, was developed from an ancient writing system in India. Although the Lao writing system is not the same as the Thai writing system, the two are very similar, and anyone who can read one language can read the other with only a little instruction.

GREETINGS AND OTHER COMMON EXPRESSIONS

Common Laotian American greetings and expressions include: Sabai dee baw —How are you? (literally, are you well?); Koy sabai dee —I'm well; Jao day — And how are you? (used when responding to Sabai dee ); Pai sai —Where are you going? (used as a greeting); Kawp jai —Thank you; Kaw toht —Excuse me; Baw pen nyang —You're welcome, never mind (literally, it's nothing); Ma gin khao —Come eat! (literally, come eat rice); Sab baw —Is the food good?; Sab eelee —It's delicious.

LITERATURE

Most Laotian literature consists of oral tales and religious texts. Laotian oral literature often takes the form of poetry and is sung or chanted to the accompaniment of a hand-held bamboo pipe organ called the khene (pronounced like the word "can" in American English). Such poetry is most often used in theater, or opera, known as maw lam. The maw lam leuang, or "story maw lam, " is similar to European opera; a cast of actors in costume sing and act out a story, often drawn from historical or religious legend. Maw lam khoo, or " maw lam of couples," involves a young man and a young woman. The man flirts with the woman through inventive methods and she refuses him with witty verse responses. Maw lam chote, or "maw lam competition," is a competition in verse sung between two people of the same gender, in which each challenges the other by asking questions or beginning a story that the other must finish. In maw lam dio, or " maw lam alone," a single narrator sings about almost any topic.

Among the many legends and folktales told by Laotians and Laotian Americans, the stories about the character Xieng Mieng are among the most popular. Xieng Mieng is a trickster figure who plays pranks on people of various social classes. Other popular tales involve legends taken from Buddhist writings, especially the Sip Sat, stories about the last ten lives of the Buddha before he was reborn and achieved enlightenment. All Laotian religious literature is made up of the same Buddhist texts used by other Theravada Buddhists. These include the Jataka, the five Vinaya, the Dighanikaya, and the Abhidamma, all of which are scriptures written in Pali, an ancient language from India still used for religious purposes in countries practicing Theravada Buddhism. Verses in Pali known as the parittam are also important to Laotian Buddhists and are chanted by monks to protect people from a variety of dangers.

In the United States, Laotian monks have successfully retained Laotian religious literature. In addition, secular legends and stories, told through the medium of maw lam, may be heard at gatherings in cities with large Laotian American communities.

F AMILY AND C OMMUNITY D YNAMICS

In Laos, men represent their family in village affairs, while women are responsible for running the household and controlling the financial affairs of the family. Among Laotian Americans, however, female employment is an important source of family income, and it is common for Laotian American women to work outside the home. Fifty percent of Laotian American women and 58 percent of Laotian American men participate in the American labor force. Because of the relative equality between men and women in Laotian American society, many Laotian American men share responsibility for completing household tasks. While Laotian American men almost always hold the official positions of leadership in community organizations, women are also quite active in their communities and are often important (though usually unacknowledged) decision makers.

The most common family arrangement in Laos is that of a nuclear family that lives in close proximity to their extended family. In the United States, extended families have, in many cases, become even more important to Laotian Americans for social and financial support. This interdependence may account for the low divorce rate among Laotian Americans. In 1990, only about four percent of Laotian Americans over the age of 15 who had been married were divorced, while nearly 12 percent of the American population over 15 years of age who had been married were divorced.

The practice of dating is also new to Laotian American immigrants, as it simply was not done in their homeland. In Laos couples usually come to know one another in the course of village life. In the United States, however, many young people date, although this custom is not always embraced by their parents.

EDUCATION

Since Laotian Americans are such a young group, their prospects for continuing adaptation are good, especially considering the scholastic successes of Laotian American children. In The Boat People and Achievement in America, an influential book on the academic achievement of young Indochinese Americans, Nathan Caplan, John K. Whitmore, and Marcella H. Choy asserted that refugee children, including Laotians, "spoke almost no English when they came, and they attend predominantly inner-city schools whose reputations for good education are poor. Yet by 1982, we find that the Indochinese had already begun to move ahead of other minorities on a national basis, and, two years later, their children are already doing very well on national tests."

Despite these accomplishments, few Laotian American young people attend college; this may be attributed to the economic disadvantages of their families. Only 26.3 percent of Laotian Americans (not counting the Hmong) between the ages of 18 and 24 attended college in 1990 (compared to 39.5 percent of white Americans and 28.1 percent of African Americans). Laotian American young people also had relatively high dropout rates; 12.2 percent of Laotian Americans between the ages of 16 and 19 were neither high school graduates nor enrolled in school in 1990 (compared to 9.8 percent of white Americans and 13.7 percent of African Americans).

IMPORTANT RITUALS

Many Laotian Americans retain the ritual practices of their culture. The most common of all Laotian rituals is the baci (pronounced "bah-see") or sookhwan, which is performed at important occasions. The word sookhwan may be interpreted as "the invitation of the khwan " or "the calling of the khwan. " The khwan are 32 spirits that are believed to watch over the 32 organs of the human body. Together, the khwan are thought to constitute the spiritual essence of a person. The baci is a ritual binding of the spirits to their possessor. Even Laotians who do not believe in the existence of the khwan will usually participate in the baci as a means of expressing goodwill and good luck to others.

In the baci ceremony, a respected person, usually an older man who has been a monk, invokes the khwan in a loud, song-like voice. He calls on the spirits of all present to cease wandering and to return to the bodies of those present. He then asks the khwan to bring well-being and happiness with them and to share in the feast that will follow. After the invocation to the khwan is finished, the celebrants take pieces of cotton thread from silver platters covered with food, and tie them around each other's wrists to bind the khwan in place. While tying the thread, they will wish one another health and prosperity. Often an egg is placed in the palm of someone whose wrist is being bound, as a symbol of fertility. Some of the threads must be left on for three days, and when they are removed they must be broken or untied, not cut. Non-Laotians are not only welcomed to this ceremony, they are frequently treated as guests of honor.

WEDDINGS

The khwan is also significant to traditional Laotian wedding ceremonies. When a couple adheres to Laotian traditions strictly, the groom goes to the bride's house the day before the wedding feast, where monks await with bowls of water. The bride's and groom's wrists are tied together with a long cotton thread, which is looped around the bowls of water and then tied to the wrists of the monks. The next morning, friends and relatives of the couple sprinkle them with the water and then hold a baci ceremony. Afterward, the couple is seated together in front of all the guests and the monks chant prayers to bless the marriage.

R ELIGION

In Laos almost all lowland Laotians are Buddhists, and the temple, or wat, is the center of village life. Most Laotian Americans are Buddhists as well, although many have converted to Protestant Christianity, especially in areas where there are no large Laotian concentrations to sustain traditional religious practices. Laotian American Buddhist temples are frequently established in converted garages, private homes, and other makeshift religious centers.

Buddhism is divided into two schools of thought. The "Northern School," known as Mahayana Buddhism, is a school of Buddhism most often found in China, Japan, Tibet, Korea, and Vietnam. The "Southern School," or Theravada Buddhism, is predominant in Laos, Thailand, Cambodia, Burma, and Sri Lanka. Theravada Buddhists stress the importance of becoming a monk and achieving Nirvana, an ideal state in which an individual transcends suffering. Mahayana Buddhists rely more on Bodhisattvas, enlightened beings who delay achieving Nirvana in order to help others become enlightened.

Essential to the Buddhist faith is the belief that all worldly things are impermanent. Those who are not aware of this concept become attached to worldly things, and this leads to suffering. Their suffering continues as the soul goes through a cycle of rebirths, and they are continually drawn back to worldly desires. An individual may break this cycle by overcoming desire through meditation and a moral, disciplined life. The soul that successfully overcomes all worldly desires reaches Nirvana.

Also significant to Buddhism is karma, which is form of spiritual accounting: good deeds performed in this life enable the soul to be reborn in better circumstances; bad deeds cause the soul to be reborn in worse circumstances. Accordingly, performing good deeds, or "making merit," is important to all Laotians and Laotian Americans. One can make merit through acts of kindness; however, becoming a monk or supporting monks or a temple are considered the best methods for making merit. All Laotian men are expected to become monks, usually in early manhood, before marriage. It is also common for older men, especially widowers, to become monks. Laotian women may become nuns, although nuns are not as respected as monks. In Laos, some men are not able to fulfill their religious duty of entering the temple for a time. This is even more difficult for Laotian American men because of demands in the workplace and the scarcity of temples in the United States. Laotian American monks sometimes share temples with Thai American or Cambodian American monks, since the latter also adhere to Theravada Buddhism.

A belief in spirits, or phi (pronounced like the English word "pea"), dates back to the time before the Lao were introduced to Buddhism. Since then, the spirit cult has become a part of popular Buddhist practices in Laos. Some of these spirits are "ghosts," the spirits of human beings following death. Other phi are benevolent guardians of people and places or malevolent beings who cause harm and suffering.

E MPLOYMENT AND E CONOMIC T RADITIONS

Although Laotian Americans have earned a reputation as hardworking people, many find themselves among the most disadvantaged in their new country. In 1990, while one out of every ten Americans lived below the poverty line, about one out of every three Laotian Americans lived below the poverty line. The median household income of Laotian Americans in that year was only $23,019, compared to $30,056 for other Americans. Unemployment among Laotian Americans is high (9.3 percent in 1990) and those with jobs tend to be concentrated in manual labor. Fully 44 percent of employed Laotian Americans held jobs classified as "operators, fabricators, and laborers" in 1990.

Many of the economic hardships of people in this ethnic group stem from to their newness in America and from the difficulties in making the change from life in a predominantly agricultural country to a highly industrialized country. Nearly 34 percent of Laotian Americans over the age of 25 had not completed fifth grade in 1990, compared to 2.7 percent of other Americans. While 75.2 percent of all adult Americans had completed high school, only 40 percent of adult Laotian Americans had finished high school. With regard to higher education, over 20 percent of Americans over 25 had finished college, while only about five percent of adult Laotian Americans were college graduates.

Learning English has hindered the economic adjustment of Laotian Americans. Over two-thirds (68 percent) of Laotians over five years of age reported that they did not speak English very well in 1990. While adult education programs and classes in English as a second language in community colleges and other institutions have helped, the transition has not been easy.

Despite their economic difficulties, Laotian Americans generally have positive views of life in the United States, probably because they tend to contrast life in America with their experiences in war-ravaged Laos.

P OLITICS AND G OVERNMENT

As a group, Laotian Americans are very concerned about occurrences in their homeland and many would like to return but are unable to because of Laos's communist government. Laotian Americans have not yet become very active in American politics. At present, their first priority appears to be achieving economic independence. In general, they tend to have a positive view of American society and government, as might be expected of recent political refugees.

I NDIVIDUAL AND G ROUP C ONTRIBUTIONS

Although Laotian Americans are relatively new to the United States, many professional individuals have made significant contributions to the Laotian American community and American society in general, specifically in professions requiring strong communication skills. Many Laotian American professionals are multilingual and serve as interpreters, negotiators, counselors, organization executives, and educators. For example, Banlang Phommasouvanh (1946–), a respected Laotian American educator, is the founder and executive director of the Lao Parent and Teacher Association. As such, she assists in promoting Lao culture, language, and arts through classes and support services. In 1990, Phommasouvanh received the Minnesota Governor's Commendation, Assisting the Pacific Minnesotans, State Council of Asia. In 1988, Lee Pao Xiong (1966-) served as an intern in the U.S. Senate. That same year he was one of 25 people chosen in a nationwide competition to attend the International Peace and Justice Seminar. From 1991 to 1993, Xiong was executive director of the Hmong Youth Association of Minnesota. Currently, he is executive director of the Hmong American Partnership in St. Paul, Minnesota. William Joua Xiong (1963– ), who is proficient in Lao, Hmong, Thai, English, and French, served as an interpreter and translator at the U.S. Embassy in Bangkok in 1979. Presently a guidance counselor, he is also co-author of the English-Hmong Dictionary (1983).

M EDIA

PRINT

Because Laotian Americans are still establishing themselves in the United States, there are very few Laotian publications. Worthy of mention is the monthly, multilingual publication New Life, which has attained a wide readership among Laotian Americans. Published by the federal government, it provides international news and articles covering American culture and institutions. New Life circulates 35,000 copies in Vietnamese, 10,000 in Lao, and 5,000 in Cambodian.

Khosana.

The semi-annual newsletter of the Thai/Lao/Cambodian Studies Group. News about scholarly activities and endeavors.

Circulation contact information.

Contact: Arlene Neher.

Address: Association for Asian Studies, Thailand-

Laos-Cambodia Studies Group, Department of Anthropology, Northern Illinois University, Dekalb, Illinois 60115.

Telephone: (815) 753-8577.

Editorial contact information.

Contact: Michael R. Rhum, Editor.

Address: Khosana, 5100 South Kimbark Avenue, Chicago, Illinois 60615.

E-mail: mrrhum@worldnet.att.net.

O RGANIZATIONS AND A SSOCIATIONS

Most Laotian organizations in the United States were established to help Laotian Americans adapt to life in a new country. Therefore, these organizations concentrate heavily on providing English language tutoring, job counseling, psychological counseling, and other social services.

Coalition of Lao Mutual Assistance.

Located in Washington State, this organization coordinates the activities of ten Laotian organizations (including Hmong organizations and organizations of other minority groups from Laos). The Coalition also provides social services, including transitional counseling, transportation, and tutoring. This is probably the best source for information on the Laotian American community of Washington.

Contact: Udong Sayasana, President.

Address: 4714 Rainier Avenue, Seattle, Washington 98118.

Telephone: (206) 723-8440.

Lao-American Association of Oklahoma.

Address: 2433 Northwest 44th Street, Oklahoma City, Oklahoma 73112-8301.

Lao American Community Service.

Address: 4750 North Sheridan Road #369, Chicago, Illinois 60640-5042.

Lao Assistance Center of Minneapolis.

Provides social services to the Laotian American community in Minneapolis.

Contact: Manivah Foun, Executive Director.

Address: 1015 Olson Memorial Highway, Minneapolis, Minnesota 55405.

Telephone: (612) 374-4967.

Lao Family Community of Stockton.

Provides training in English as a second language, vocational education, a variety of youth programs, and a gang prevention program for people from Laos and other countries in Southeast Asia.

Contact: Pheng Lo.

Address: 807 North Joaquin, Suite 211, Stockton, California 95202-1716.

Telephone: (209) 466-0721.

Migration and Refugee Services.

Public policy and social action office of the U.S. Catholic Conference, on matters of migration, refugee, and immigration. Provides program support ad regional coordination for a network of 110 diocesan refugee resettlement offices. Office for the Pastoral Care of Migrants and Refugees provides the pastoral foundation for all MRS programs and assists the Bishops in encouraging the integration of immigrants, migrants, and refugees into the life and mission of the local Church. The Catholic Legal Immigration Network (CLINIC), a related organization, ensures that all newcomers have access to affordable immigration related services.

Contact: Mark Franken.

Address: 3211 Fourth Street NE, Washington, DC 20017-1194.

Telephone: (202) 541-3352.

Fax: (202) 722-8755.

E-Mail: mrs@nccbuscc.org.

Online: http://www.nccbuscc.org/mrs .

National Association for the Education and Advancement of Cambodian, Laotian, and Vietnamese Americans (NAFEA).

Seeks to provide equal educational opportunities for and advance the rights of Indochinese Americans; acknowledge and publicize contributions of Indochinese in American schools, culture, and society; and encourage appreciation of Indochinese cultures, peoples, education, and language.

Contact: Ms. Ngoc Diep Nguyen, President.

Address: Illinois Research Center, 1855 Mt. Prospect Road, Des Plaines, Illinois 60018.

Telephone: (708) 803-3112.

M USEUMS AND R ESEARCH C ENTERS

Laotian Cultural and Research Center (LCRC).

Individuals interested in preserving Laotian culture by collecting documents that illustrate the history of Laos. Maintains library of more than 500 items.

Contact: Seng Chidhalay, President.

Address: 1413 Meriday Lane, Santa Ana, California 92706.

Telephone: (714) 541-4533.

Fax: (714) 953-7693.

S OURCES FOR A DDITIONAL S TUDY

Caplan, Nathan, John K. Whitmore, and Marcella H. Choy. The Boat People and Achievement in Amer ica: A Study of Family Life and Cultural Values. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1989.

Mansfield, Stephen. Culture shock! A Guide to Customs and Etiquette: Laos. Portland, OR: Graphic Arts Center Pub. Co., 1997.

Proudfoot, Robert. Even the Birds Don't Sound the Same Here: The Laotian Refugees' Search for Heart in American Culture. New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 1990.

Stuart-Fox, Martin. Laos: Politics, Economics, and Society. Boulder, Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1986.

——. A History of Laos. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997.

Tenhula, John. Voices from Southeast Asia: The Refugee Experience in the United States. New York: Holmes & Meier, 1991.

KENYAN AMERICANS

Located in East Africa near the equator, the Republic of Kenya measures 224,960 square miles (582,650 square kilometers). It is bordered to the north by Ethiopia and Sudan, the Indian Ocean to the east, Somalia to the northeast, Tanzania to the south, and Uganda to the west. The capital is Nairobi is Kenya's largest city, with close to 2 million people.

Kenya has a total population of just under 29 million people and represents a mixture of over 40 indigenous ethnic groups. The groups fall into one of four categories that comprise over 98 percent of the entire population: the Bantu, Nilotic, Nilo-Hamitic, and Hamitic peoples. The Bantu peoples are comprised of the Kikuyu (22 percent), Luhya (14 percent), and Kisii (6 percent); the Nilotics include the Luo (13 percent) and the Kalenjin (12 percent); the Nilo-Hamitics include the Masai, Samburu, Kipsigis, and Nandi; and the Hamitics include the Tugen and Elgeyo. Asians, Arabs, and Europeans compose the remaining 2 percent of the population.

The majority of Kenyans are Christians, including Protestants (38 percent) and Roman Catholics (28 percent), while others practice indigenous beliefs (26 percent). Other religious denominations include Muslim (6 percent), and smaller numbers of Hindus, Sikhs, and Bahais. The country's official languages are Kiswahili and English. Kenya's national flag consists of three horizontal bands of black, green, and red, and contains a shield with crossed spears in the center.

HISTORY

The history of Kenya may be that of humankind. Toward the end of the twentieth century, excavated bones and artifacts convinced many archaeologists and scientists that human evolution began in Kenya. Throughout the first few centuries A.D. , Kenya was the destination of numerous migrating tribes, such as the Luo and the Bantu peoples. The tribes spread across the country and established themselves in various areas. The Kalenjin settled around the western part of what became Kenya, while the Kikuyu covered the fertile ground of the Highlands and the Rift Valley. Each group was a self-contained community with its own language, customs, and beliefs.

During years of drought or other natural disasters, tensions increased between tribes as they vied for fertile ground. The Bantus, particularly the Kikuyu, established a stronghold in Kenya's interior around Mount Kenya, largely as a result of their sophisticated tools and weapons. The Kikuyu prospered and established a rich agricultural economy, developing a sound economic and political infrastructure. However, in the nineteenth century, the Masai peoples, famous for their hunting and fighting skills, challenged the Bantu domination and eventually exerted a great influence on customs and styles before severe droughts and disease ended their reign.

Arabs settled on the Kenyan coast as early as the tenth century, and the Portuguese contested for the coast during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The Arabs regained control during the eighteenth century, and by the early-to-mid nineteenth centuries, Sayyid Said of Oman loosely controlled the coast. By this time, Africa's largely untapped wealth attracted scores of Europeans, and in 1885 Africa was partitioned into several sectors controlled by various European nations.

Great Britain received control of Kenya and Uganda, and the British Empire lost little time in issuing a commercial license in 1888 to The Imperial British East Africa Company (IBEA). The IBEA, headed by Sir William MacKinnon, attempted to establish trading centers and a unified control across the regions. However, the British government was not altogether satisfied with their efforts and formally established Kenya as a British protectorate in 1895 and a crown colony in 1920.

British rule was not kind to native Kenyans. Although they quickly built a railroad that promoted economic development by linking the regions together, the rights of Africans were restricted, while white settlement was encouraged. The Africans were overtaxed, undereducated, and lacked political representation. In addition, they were not allowed to grow certain exportable crops, and could not settle in the Highlands and the Rift Valley, regarded as the richest farmland in the country. In many instances, tribal peoples were forced to relocate to designated areas in Kenya.

During World War I, a large number of Kenyan soldiers were recruited to fight for the British. Following the war, many Africans, particularly the Kikuyus, who had lost much of their land, began organizing to lobby for reform. One such group, the East African Association (EAA), encouraged protests and demonstrations. Although the EAA dissolved shortly thereafter, the Kikuyu Central Association (KCA) quickly took its place and continued the fight against white supremacy. The KCA lobbied for political representation, lower taxes, and the right to inhabit restricted lands. Although the organization enjoyed some success, it was unable to achieve its goals before it was banned in 1940, shortly after World War II began. However, the KCA helped pave the way for future organizations, which would ultimately achieve independence for Kenya.

MODERN ERA

World War II provided the impetus Kenya needed to achieve independence. Many Kenyans fought in the war and they learned both organizational and military skills. In 1944, the Kenyan African Union (largely comprised of Kikuyus) was formed to continue the fight against white supremacy. In 1947, Jomo Kenyatta was elected the president of the KAU. Although most members were Kikuyus, they encouraged all ethnic groups to join together to achieve independence.

Other Africans, frustrated with the slow response to their demands, turned to more violent means. The Mau Mau uprising of 1952-56 was characterized with numerous acts of violence and terrorism against the colonial government and settlers. Brutally suppressed, the uprising left thousands of Africans dead, while only a handful of British were killed.

However, the uprising was not wholly unsuccessful. In response to changes occurring throughout European-dominated countries across Africa, the colonial government was ready to capitulate in Kenya. Africans were allowed representation in the government, and they continued to lobby to gain autonomy. In 1960 they formed the Kenya African National Union (KANU). However, political infighting between the dominant Kikuyus and other groups led to the formation of a rival party, the Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU).

In 1962, the two parties laid aside their differences and united to form a coalition government. Jomo Kenyatta was elected the first prime minister. Kenya was officially declared independent on December 12, 1963, and became a republic in 1964. Shortly thereafter the KADU dissolved, and Kenya was ruled chiefly by the KANU until 1966 when the Kenya People's Union (KPU) was formed.

From the start, the KPU was at odds with the KANU and did not gain much support beyond the Luo peoples. The group was ordered to disband after an important member of government personnel was assassinated, a crime that was attributed to the KPU. The Kenyan government, largely under Kikuyu control, turned its attention to ongoing social and economic problems. In an effort to boost their flagging economy, they welcomed foreign investors, and Kenya rapidly became the most prosperous country in East Africa.

Although Kenya was fearful that its political stability would be shaken by the death of Jomo Kenyatta in 1978, Daniel arap Moi succeeded without challenge. In 1982 the Royal Air Force staged a coup attempt, but Moi remained in office. In 1991, largely at the urging of foreign investors, Moi pledged to further address social and economic problems and encouraged the formation of a multi-party system, which prevailed through the end of the twentieth century.

SIGNIFICANT IMMIGRATION WAVES

Kenyans have a recorded presence on American soil for over 300 years. The earliest Kenyans were not voluntary immigrants, but were victims of the American slave trade that was not outlawed until 1808. Partly as a result, voluntary migration remained negligible until the last decades of the twentieth century. Between 1980 and 1990, Kenyan immigration more than doubled.

Several factors contributed to increased Kenyan immigration to the United States. Many Kenyans were already exposed to different facets of American culture because of the close relationship between Kenya and the United States. American cuisine and entertainment had become commonplace in Kenya. Exposure to American culture encouraged Kenyans to take advantage of numerous economic and educational opportunities available in the United States.

Kenya's depressed economy and high unemployment rate (over 35 percent), coupled with the importance the country places on education, resulted in more qualified and educated workers than available skilled positions. Toward the end of the twentieth century, Kenyan immigrants were particularly attracted to technology-oriented careers in the United States, an occupation virtually impossible to pursue in Kenya where over 75 percent of the jobs are agricultural-based.

The main areas of Kenyan settlement in the United States include Washington, D.C., where 50 percent of Kenyan Americans can be found, Texas, California, and parts of the Midwest. A number of Kenyans also settled in Georgia and North Carolina, two states with important technological centers.

A CCULTURATION AND A SSIMILATION

For the most part, Kenyan Americans have enjoyed a fairly smooth assimilation process. Many Kenyan immigrants are well educated and possess specialized job skills. They have little trouble finding employment in the technological and health care professions, where they are most numerous. In addition, Kenyan immigrants enjoy a linguistic advantage over other immigrants because English is widely spoken in Kenya. Within a short amount of time, many Kenyan Americans achieve a relative degree of financial security.

Although Kenyans enjoy a smooth transition, their assimilation has not been completely free of difficulties. Unfortunately, Kenyan Americans are sometimes subject to the same prejudice that other African Americans often face. Although blatant discrimination is socially frowned upon, a covert bias is frequently directed toward those of African heritage. Kenyan immigrants often expressed disappointment in this aspect of their assimilation into the larger American society.

The vast majority of Kenyans do become naturalized citizens; less than two percent return to Kenya. The strict immigration quota creates obstacles for many of the immigrants desiring to become citizens and the process can be long and difficult. A small number of Kenyans become U.S. citizens through marriage to Americans. Although many Kenyan Americans would eventually like to return to Kenya after they have completed their education or achieved financial goals, the instability of Kenya's economy deters them. They do maintain contact with their Kenyan relatives and make frequent trips to Kenya.

TRADITIONS, CUSTOMS, AND BELIEFS

Kenyans have a variety of traditions, most of which are connected to indigenous religious beliefs and thus vary from group to group. Many customs and beliefs originate from an agricultural lifestyle and contain special prayers, dances, and rituals to encourage different natural events. During droughts, for instance, the Masai strip the bark off of tree, bury a skin around the root of the tree, and pour water over it while placing charms and praying for rain.

Other traditions stem from hunting and warring practices, where prayers and rituals would be performed before and after the hunt or raid. The Masai sacrifice a sheep before a raid. Reverence of various animals plays a role in other customs. The Suk revere snakes and if a snake were to enter a hut, the animal could not be killed but was to be fed milk. Traditions also centered around life events, particularly the initiation of a child into adulthood or the birth of a baby.

Toward the end of the twentieth century, traditional Kenyan customs and beliefs were gradually fading despite attempts to preserve them. Many agricultural and hunting traditions were not easily transferable to the United States and disappeared as Kenyans immigrated. Although Kenyan Americans maintain a close connection to their cultural heritage, they have abandoned many of the older customs that are no longer relevant to their life in the United States.

PROVERBS

Many proverbs from Kenyan culture have survived through the generations. They include: Even when the shield covering wears out the frame survives; When a drum has a drumhead, one does not beat the wooden sides; When a scorpion stings without mercy, you kill it without mercy; A man does not rub backs with porcupines; Rooster, do not be so proud. Others are: Your mother was only an eggshell; The canoe must be paddled on both sides.

CUISINE

Traditional Kenyan cuisine reflects the agricultural products of the region. Kenyan recipes are generally inexpensive and nourishing, relying heavily on potatoes, rice, and maize. Maize is found in a variety of recipes, especially a porridge called ugali, which is cooked with meat (chicken, goat, or beef) or greens and is eaten nearly every day. Other dishes include: karanga, a stew cooked with goatmeat, carrots, onions and potatoes; pillau, a spiced rice dish that sometimes includes meat; sukima wiki, a fried dish with chopped spinach, onions, tomatoes or other vegetables; kienyeji, a dish with mashed corn, beans, potatoes, and greens; and michicha, which contains spinach, onions, and tomatoes.

Fruits are an important part of the Kenyan diet. People commonly eat bananas, mangos, pineapples, and avocados. Snacks include roasted maize; samosa (fried mincemeat and vegetables); kitumbuo (fried rice bread); and mandaazi (fried dough cakes). Like most regions of the world, Kenyans also eat at international and fast food restaurants.

DANCES AND SONGS

Ngoma, the traditional form of Kenyan music, is generally used to describe both music and dance centered around the drum. Many Kenyan dances and songs serve specific purposes and have a variety of themes such as agricultural (for example, harvest, rain, or fire), mourning, jubilation, fertility, war, and peace. Most of the dances include stamps, hops, squats, slides, and hip swivels, reflecting the occasion for which it is intended. For instance, the battle dance of the Samburu contains fierce jumping motions, which simulate actions of a raid. There are numerous traditional Kenyan instruments, including the drum; bow harp; lute; lyre; instruments made from animals' horns; wood trumpet; flute; rattle; bell; gong; and the pit xylophone. Some songs are sung in unison, while others are call-and-response, in which one person shouts a line and the others respond.

TRADITIONAL COSTUMES

The traditional clothing of Kenyans varies from region to region. Although the clothing of each ethnic group can appear similar, they are actually unique representations. For example, the traditional clothing of the Masai men, who were known for their fierce warrior status, includes headdresses of lion's mane and ostrich feathers. In addition, their faces are painted with white and red paint.

The Suk men wear elaborate shoulder-length chignons, jewelry from animals' horns, capes made of skins, lip plugs, and pierced nose discs. Turkana women shave their hair at the sides and twist the top into strands, and wear oval-shaped plate earrings. Their shoulders are covered with disc-shaped ornamentation chipped from ostrich eggs. Married Turkana women also wear an apron decorated with beads, which is held with a beaded belt.

During special events, particularly those related to the life cycle, clothing serves a special purpose. When girls and boys undergo initiation via

Samb Aminata polishes one of the wooden sculptures from Kenya that she has for sale at the Afro-American Festival in Detroit, Michigan.

circumcision or clitoridectomies, they wear certain clothing that reveals their status. Njemps boys undergoing circumcision wear a dyed black skin held in place by a belt of cowry shells and two ostrich feathers in their ears. Njemps girls don metal beads around their neck or faces as a symbol of their on-going clitoridectomy process. Other life cycle events require particular costumes as well. Women who have just given birth to a baby often paint the area around their eyes. The majority of Kenyans—including Kenyan Americans—wear more modern clothing and no longer don traditional garments except on special occasions.

HOLIDAYS

Kenyan Americans celebrate Good Friday, Easter Monday, and Christmas Day along with American holidays such as New Year's Day, Labor Day, and other secular holidays. Specific Kenyan holidays include the anniversary of the country's independence (December 12) and Kenyatta Day (October 20), which honors Kenya's first prime minister, Jomo Kenyatta. The small number of Kenyan immigrants in the United States prohibits lavish celebrations in honor of these events, but Kenyan-American organizations sometimes hold a special event in honor of these holidays.

HEALTH ISSUES

Despite recent efforts to address health issues, Kenyans have a fairly low life expectancy (47 years for males and 48 years for females) and a high percentage of infant deaths (59.38 per 1,000 births). Poor living conditions increase the risk of disease and several diseases are particularly troublesome to Kenyans: poliomyelitis, schistosomiasis, intestinal parasites, malaria, respiratory ailments, and, increasingly, HIV infection. Most Kenyan Americans conform to the rules established for immigrants and are in good health when they enter the United States. Like most Americans, Kenyan Americans are able to take advantage of the medical insurance offered as a benefit of employment.

L ANGUAGE

Most Kenyans are multilingual and speak at least three languages. Kiswahili and English are the official languages of Kenya. Each indigenous group has a fully developed language of their own. Kiswahili, a Bantu language that gradually incorporated Arabic words over the centuries, serves as a common language for the various regions in Kenya. Although everyday activities are conducted in Kiswahili, government and court business continue to use the English language. Other ethnic languages include Luo, Kikuyu, Kamba, Luyia, Gusii, and Kalenjin, which are usually spoken at home. In addition, English words have become incorporated into Kiswahili, which has led to a hybrid language composed of Kiswahili and English called Sheng. Since most Kenyans speak English, Kenyan immigrants generally do not face linguistic obstacles, and are comfortable switching to English as their principal language.

GREETINGS AND OTHER POPULAR EXPRESSIONS

Common Swahili greetings and other expressions include: Jambo —hello; si jambo —no problems; habari —how are you doing?; nzuri —fine; karibu —welcome; kwaheri —goodbye; asante —thank you; tutaonana —see you; ndiyo —yes; hapana —no; jina langu —my name is; zuri —good; baya —bad; si mbaya —not bad; sawa —ok; kabisa —perfect; samahani —sorry; hebu —excuse me; inshallah —if God wills it; and tafadhali —please.

F AMILY AND C OMMUNITY D YNAMICS

Kenyans place a high value on family relationships and the importance of kinship. Close attention is paid to the maintenance of ancestry and lineage, particularly along the paternal lines. The individual is considered less important than his or her community, which centers around the extended family. Households normally contain at least one extended family member. Often several generations are present. Children sometimes refer to their cousins as "brother" or "sister," and call their aunts and uncles "mother" and "father." Grandparents and great-grandparents are revered for their wisdom.

Because of the emphasis placed on the survival of lineage, marriage is a sacred duty. Men are often allowed to marry more than one woman in order to ensure the continuance of the patriarchal line. Women are expected to raise large families. Women who do not have many children often face public derision. Large families are rewarded in many instances, both financially and through the elevation of their status. Kenyan homes are traditionally conservative and strictly patriarchal. Husbands work outside the home while the women are expected to stay within the boundaries of the household.

As a result of strict immigration laws, many Kenyans initially immigrate alone and are separated from their families for a long period of time. Kenyans often have a difficult time adjusting to American values, which they perceive as antithetical to their own, especially individualism, competitiveness, and materialism. Most Kenyan immigrants are accustomed to a closely-knit community surrounded by many family members, and they sometimes feel isolated when they first arrive.

One of the greatest concerns of Kenyan immigrants is their inability to foster a sense of Kenyan identity in their children, who are born and raised in the United States. The gap between immigrants and their children often fosters tensions as the children have a more difficult time understanding the importance of ancestry and lineage. While Kenyans usually marry within their own ethnic group, the children of Kenyan immigrants are much more likely to marry outside of it. Many Kenyan American parents are involved in Kenyan American organizations that sponsor events to help expose their children to Kenyan culture.

THE ROLE OF WOMEN

Through the end of the twentieth century, Kenyan households maintained rigid rules concerning women's roles within the patriarchal household. Wives and daughters were expected to stay strictly within the domestic sphere, except for designated agricultural tasks. The importance of these responsibilities is attested by the custom of paying bride-price, which compensated the parents for the loss of their daughters.

From the moment they were considered ready for betrothal, women were under an enormous amount of societal pressure to marry. Married women were under the protection of their husbands and forced to obtain permission from them to open a bank account or acquire a driver's license.

Families were always traced from the father's line and all children from a marriage "belonged" to the father. The frequent pregnancies of Kenyan women further reduced their opportunities to break out of traditional domestic-related roles. Contraception remained difficult to obtain and was regarded with suspicion by communities. During the last two decades of the twentieth century, the emerging women's movement began lobbying for changes in educational, health, and other matters.

Kenyan American women are appreciative of the opportunities they find in the United States. Unlike their native-born country, immigrants are able to obtain contraception, driver's licenses, and bank accounts without permission from their husbands. Since Kenyan women are usually well educated, they do not have difficulties finding employment and enjoy the freedom of pursuing a career outside the home.

WEDDINGS

Since much emphasis is placed on family relationships, Kenyan marriages are taken very seriously and must be met with approval by both families. After it has been granted, there is an engagement period, before the marriage ceremony takes place. The vast majority of Kenyans are Christians and their weddings usually conform to the dictates of their religion.

There are also traditional indigenous customs that vary from group to group. For instance, the Kikuyu men choose their wives after carefully examining their personalities, integrity, and sociability. However, it is not customary for women to accept a marriage offer immediately, but to hesitate and refer the question to her father.

After she does accept, the bridegroom presents his bride with gifts, which are termed bridewealth. In addition to more practical items such as cattle or livestock, the gifts sometimes include a mukwar (leather strap), neguo ya maribe (woman's dress made out of skins and beads, presented to the mother of the bride), a ruhiu (sword), and an itimu ria nduthu (a man's coat made out of skins, presented to the father of the bride). Other indigenous groups practice similar marriage customs, which are sometimes performed in addition to the Christian ceremonies.

CIRCUMCISIONS

An important life cycle event that takes place in Kenyan culture concerns the initiation of boys and girls into adulthood. This event is traditionally marked with male circumcision and female clitoridectomy rituals. Although male circumcision is regularly practiced fairly among many different groups, the practice of female circumcision (clitoridectomy) is less common. These initiations are an important event for those involved as well as the entire community. Although the customs vary from tribe to tribe, circumcision usually occurs between the twelfth and sixteenth birthday of a boy or girl.

Before undergoing the ceremony, the initiates spend up to a year in preparation, undergoing a series of rituals. For instance, Nandi boys are circumcised around their thirteenth birthday. Their preparation includes learning their groups' folklore, shaving their heads, passing courage tests, and wearing certain garments. After the event, they are placed in seclusion and not allowed to eat with their hands for the first week. After undergoing another series of rituals, they take an oath of secrecy about what they have learned. They are then considered part of Nandi manhood and wear certain clothing to indicate their new status.

Nandi girls undergo a similar process. During their preparation, time they wear certain garments and enter into seclusion. They are generally not allowed to see men during this time. At the end of the initiation period, following the clitoridectomy, the girls can wear different clothing to display their new status. They are then eligible for marriage. Both girls and boys are expected to undergo the experience without complaining.

Toward the end of the twentieth century, these customs were gradually abandoned. Clitoridectomies, in particular, were heavily criticized, in part due to the unhygienic conditions under which they were performed. Kenyan immigrants generally do not observe the practice of male or female circumcision in the United States.

FUNERALS

The majority of Kenyans practice Christian burials and funeral services. Their reverence of ancestry dictates proper respect for the dead and funerals are carefully performed. There are also many indigenous beliefs regarding the afterlife and the spirit world, which are reflected in older customs of burial and funeral services.

The Suk traditionally buried their dead so that their stomachs were tilted toward the Seker, the sacred mountain of the Suk. The Maragoli give a widow her husband's spear and shield. During the funeral she would carry them before handing them to his eldest brother immediately afterwards. The Taveta bury their dead in a sitting position. Men were buried with their left arm positioned on the knee to support the head while the women were buried near the door of their hut in a sitting position with their right arm positioned on their knee. Kenyan American funerals usually do not vary greatly from the funerals of other Americans of their same religion.

R ELIGION

Over 60 percent of the Kenyans are Protestant or Roman Catholic, while six percent are Muslim. There are also numerous tribal religions. For example, the Suk believe in a god called the sky ( terorut ) whose his son is the rain ( ilat ). This traditional religion demands regular rituals and sacrifices that demonstrate their loyalty to their god.

The Maragoli believe in a god named Nyasaye who is aided by spirits. The Maragolis make offerings to these spirits in a shrine made out of a pole surrounded by eight stones. Once a year, followers drink a brew of water and millet and spit the mixture on the heads and feet of women and children. Blood from a dead chicken is smeared on the heads and feet of women and children as well as the eight stones. The beak is cut off from the dead chicken and put around the neck of the youngest child. The rest of the chicken is roasted and mixed with the millet, cooked to a paste, and then arranged on the stones. If the necessity arises, for example illness taking hold of the group, the Maragoli repeat the ritual.

Most indigenous groups also believe in witchcraft and spirit matter. Witch doctors are commonly called upon during times of distress from illness, drought or other natural disasters, and other disruptive events. The last part of the twentieth century saw a decline in the practice of older customs.

The vast majority of Kenyans that immigrate to the United States are Protestant or Catholic. They generally maintain the practice of these beliefs. Kenyan immigrants look for churches in which they feel comfortable with both the congregation and the manner in which their faith is practiced. The immigrants often find that their church helps ease the adjustment process to their new country, particularly if other Kenyan immigrants belong to the same church.

E MPLOYMENT AND E CONOMIC T RADITIONS

The high value that Kenyan Americans place on education has allowed them to find skilled positions. Even during the initial adjustment period, Kenyan Americans are less likely to need assistance than other immigrants, and they tend to have an overall high employment rate. Because most Kenyans are already fluent in English, they have an even greater advantage over other immigrant groups. Over 50 percent of Kenyans gravitate toward technology fields. There is also a large number of Kenyan Americans in the health care professions, especially nursing. Smaller numbers of Kenyan Americans work as doctors, lawyers, college professors, and business owners and managers.

RELATIONS WITH KENYA

Kenya and the United States have maintained good relations since Kenya declared its independence in 1963. The United States has provided both political and financial support to Kenya. Kenyans and Americans alike were shocked when the U.S. Embassy was bombed in Nairobi in 1998, and during which both Americans and Kenyans lost their lives.

Not surprisingly, relations with Kenya are important to the Kenyan American immigrants. Most Kenyan Americans have left family and friends behind and they are sensitive to the situation that Kenya's floundering economy has produced. Kenyan Americans actively lobby to increase aid to Kenya. There are a number of organizations designed to provide such support. One such organization is the Kenyan-American Chamber of Commerce (KACC, Inc.), which was formed in 1999 from the existing

Kenyan American Iowa State University student David Lichoro was inside the U.S. embassy in Nairobi just minutes before it was bombed in August of 1998. He escaped with minor injuries and assisted those who were more greatly injured in the blast.

Kenyan American Association. KACC, Inc. is an influential private investment company that strives to increase development of Kenyan communities through investments in technology, educational, and other sectors, and to promote trade and culture between Kenya and the United States.

A similar organization is the American-Kenyan Educational Corporation. The corporation raises money to purchase textbooks and other items for primary school children and to help secondary school students pay their tuition. The corporation has also set up a sponsor program in which individuals or businesses provide for the needs of an entire classroom.

O RGANIZATIONS AND A SSOCIATIONS

Kenyan-American Chamber of Commerce (KACC).

Established in 1999, the KACC is devoted to the development of communities in Kenya through educational, technical, and other sectors. In addition to providing assistance to Kenyan immigrants, the KACC provides links to cultural, linguistic, academic programs, and news of interest to Kenyan immigrants.

Contact: John Gakuha.

Address: 13829 South Darnell #307, Olathe, Kansas 66062.

Telephone: (913) 491-7388.

S OURCES FOR A DDITIONAL S TUDY

Adamson, Joy. The Peoples of Kenya. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1967.

Azevedo, Mario. Kenya: The Land, The People, and the Nation. Durham: Carolina Academic Press, 1993.

Ochieng, William R, ed.. Themes in Kenyan History. Athens: Ohio University Press, 1990.

Whiteley, W. H., ed. Language in Kenya. London: Oxford University Press, 1974.